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As a
student at Berlin, Weber developed a strong antipathy for Treitschke's
patriotic blustering and ranting but grew to appreciate men of sober
scholarship, like his thesis advisor Jakob Goldschmidt and the historian
Mommsen, with whom he studied Roman law. Weber had so close a relation
with this teacher that at the defense of his Ph.D. thesis on the
History of Commercial Societies in the Middle Ages, in 1889, Mommsen
said to him: "When I come to die, there is no one better to
whom I should like to say this: Son, the spear is too heavy for
my hand, carry it on."
In
the Berlin years Weber was enormously productive. His frantic work
pace was perhaps a means for diverting his increasingly antagonistic
feelings toward a father on whom he was still wholly dependent.
His Ph.D. thesis, rated summa cum laude, was followed in 1891 by
an important work on Roman Agrarian History, which served as his
Habilitationsschrift, a post-doctoral thesis necessary for a university
teaching position. There followed several studies on the condition
of East-Elbian agricultural workers for the Verein fuer Sozialpolitik
and for the Evangelisch-sozial Verein. The major one of these East-Elbian
studies ran to almost nine hundred pages and was written in about
a year, during which time Weber was replacing his former teacher
Goldschmidt as a lecturer at the University of Berlin and also holding
a full-time job at the bar. In these years Weber submitted himself
to a rigid and ascetic discipline, regulating his life by the clock
and dividing his daily routine into component parts with monkish
rigidity.
Release
from this psychic ordeal finally seemed to come in 1893, when he
married Marianne Schnitger, the twenty-two-year-old daughter of
a physician (a cousin on his father's side), and was appointed to
a chair in economics at the University of Freiburg. From then on,
Marianne and Max Weber enjoyed a very intense intellectual and moral
companionship--theirs was, as the Germans say, a Musterehe--yet,
it appears that the marriage was never consummated. Sexual fulfillment
came to Weber only in his late forties, shortly before World War
I, in an extramarital affair.
Weber's
inaugural address of 1895 on The National State and Economic Policy,
which combined intense nationalism and superb scholarship, brought
him to the attention of a wider scholarly and political world than
he had been able to reach with his previous specialized studies.
His new renown led to his being called to Heidelberg in 1896 to
succeed his former teacher Knies as professor of economics. In Heidelberg,
Weber not only reestablished contacts with his other former teachers,
Bekker, Erdmannsdoerffer and Kuno Fischer, but found new friends
and colleagues, such as the legal scholar Georg Jellinek and the
theologian Ernst Troeltsch. The Weber home soon became a gathering
ground for the flower of Heidelberg's academic intellectuals, and
Weber, though still quite young, came to be seen as the central
figure in an extended network of colleagues and like-minded scholars.
In
addition to his scholarly concerns, Weber also pursued his political
interests, playing an increasing role in Christian-Social political
circles and publishing a variety of papers and memoranda on issues
of the day. He was settling down to an active and creative participation
in the worlds of both scholarship and politics, and he seemed destined
to become a major figure in German intellectual life.
All
at once, this promising career seemed to come to an end. In July
1897, his parents visited Heidelberg. His father had insisted upon
accompanying his wife, who would have preferred to spend a few weeks
with her children without him. On that occasion, father and son
clashed violently: the son accused his father of treating his mother
tyrannically and brutally, and ended by telling the old man to leave
his house. The father died only about a month later. Shortly thereafter
Max Weber suffered a complete breakdown and did not recover for
more than five years.
Weber's
unresolved difficulties of identification, his inner conflicts regarding
the values of father and mother, aunt and uncle, may partly account
for the breakdown. Additional sources of tension and guilt may have
arisen from his broken engagement with a mentally burdened cousin
and his marriage to yet another cousin, who had previously been
courted by a close friend of Weber's from whom he had snatched her
away. Chronic overwork, in itself probably a means of escaping inner
tensions, may have played its part, as may his impotence with his
new wife (which in turn may have been related to his other conflicts).
A detailed self- analysis, which Weber prepared for an attending
physician, has been lost, so it is unlikely that the concrete causes
for Weber's breakdown will ever be fully clarified.
During
the next few years, Weber found himself unable to work. Often he
could not even concentrate long enough to read. He traveled a great
deal, especially to Switzerland and Italy. At times he seemed to
be recovering, but another relapse would soon follow. When it seemed
unlikely that he would ever again be able to lecture to students,
he resigned from his chair at Heidelberg. He spent some time in
a sanitarium and was treated by a number of specialists, but all
seemed to no avail. Then almost unexpectedly, in 1903, his intellectual
forces were gradually restored. He managed in that year to join
with Werner Sombart and Edgar Jaffe in the editorship of the Archiv
fuer Socialwissenschaft, which became the leading German social
science journal; his editorial duties allowed him to reestablish
the contacts with friends and academic colleagues he had lost during
the years of his illness.
In
1904, his former colleague from Goettingen, Hugo Muensterberg, now
at Harvard, invited him to read a paper before a Congress of Arts
and Sciences in St. Louis. The lecture he delivered there, on the
social structure of Germany, was the first he had given in six and
a half years. Weber subsequently traveled through America for over
three months and was deeply impressed with the characteristics of
American civilization. The roots of many later conceptions on the
part played by the Protestant sects in the emergence of capitalism,
on the organization of political machines, on bureaucracy, and even
on the role of the Presidency in the American political structure
can be traced to his stay in America.
From
Coser, 1977:237-239.
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