‘SHADOWS
OF BEAUTY,
SHADOWS OF
POWER’
Heroism, Deformity, and Classical
Allusion in Joshua Pickersgill’s The Three Brothers
and Byron’s The Deformed Transformed
Imke Heuer
In the preface to his dramatic fragment
The Deformed Transformed (1822),
Byron acknowledges it to be partly based
on The Three Brothers (1803),
a Gothic romance by Joshua Pickersgill.
[1]
Most studies on The Deformed Transformed
have stated that Pickersgill’s impact on
Byron’s drama was only superficial, and
that the novel was not interesting for its
own sake. [2]
However, The Three Brothers is an
original and complex novel which is more
important to Byron’s oeuvre than
is usually acknowledged. In the first part
of my essay, I introduce Pickersgill’s novel
and briefly show how his main character
foreshadows the Byronic Hero. The remaining
part of the essay discusses Byron’s creative
adaptation of Pickersgill’s use of classical
characters to reinforce his play with a
complex set of intertextual classical allusions
both in order to elaborate on the question
of the extent to which personal identity
and freedom are dependent on outward appearance,
and to question the concept of heroism and
war as a ‘heroic’ endeavour.
I
Written in 1803, Pickersgill’s romance
shares elements both with the Gothic novel
and historical fiction. Pickersgill remained
an almost unknown writer during his lifetime;
when The Three Brothers was reviewed
in The Gentleman’s Magazine in 1804,
the reviewer knew him ‘only by name’. [3]
According to a personal comment on his authorship
in the last chapter of his novel, he was
a very young author—he commenced the novel
at the age of nineteen and worked on it
for two-and-a-half years (IV,
459f.). Although the book shows him as a
promising novelist, he apparently wrote
nothing else. [4]
The name might even have been a pseudonym—one
of the reviewers of The Deformed Transformed
who mentioned The Three Brothers
as Byron’s source, attributed it to Matthew
Gregory Lewis (‘for though published under
another name, it is his’). [5]
Like many
Gothic romances, The Three Brothers
has a complex structure with several stories-within-the-story.
In its entirety, the time dimension of the
story spans about twenty years (I,
147) and is set in France and Italy during
the first half of the sixteenth century.
Like many historical novelists, Pickersgill
focuses upon a ‘transitional time in history’,
a period of wars and changes. [6]
The Renaissance setting is used largely
as a colourful background, although the
particular violence of the period is emphasised.
Still, the writer is aware he is writing
about an epoch which in beliefs and customs
is different from his own. Occasionally,
he includes footnotes with background information,
and informs his ‘historical reader’ (III,
332) about liberties taken with dates (II,
177; III, 332). The
Three Brothers has comparatively few
supernatural elements—it belongs to a sub-genre
of the Gothic novel which could be termed
‘historical fantasy’. [7]
As the title
suggests, this is a story about family relationships,
with sins and secrets of the past returning
to haunt the present. The reader does not
know at first that the three main characters
Henri, Claudio, and Julian are in fact brothers.
Their relationship and true identities are
only revealed in Julian’s long confession
towards the end of the fourth volume (IV,
228–368), which is the most interesting
and dense part of the novel, and the part
I will focus on in this paper.
In his first-person
narrative, the severely wounded Julian reveals
his origins and background. He was born
as Arnaud, the illegitimate eldest son of
the Marquis de Souvricourt and his lover,
a nun who has left her order. Arnaud is
initially witty and charming (II,
68f.), a child ‘extraordinary in Beauty
and Intellect’ (iv, 229). [8]
As a boy, he is unaware of his illegitimacy,
and is spoilt by both his parents and everyone
around him. The narrator describes his education
as unsystematic and superficial (IV,
229–33). His arrogance and his reliance
on charm are blamed on his aristocratic
upbringing, which fosters manners and wit,
rather than inner values such as the capacity
for deep feelings (IV,
237).
At the age
of eight, however, Arnaud is robbed by a
group of banditti, who injure his shoulder
and his spine (IV,
240–44), leaving him crippled, or as his
father puts it, a ‘mass of Deformity’ (IV,
246). With his beauty, he also loses the
affection of his parents and his cherished
position in the polite circles of his family
(II, 68f.). His deformity
makes him look sublime rather than beautiful,
and consequently the change in his looks
also causes him to lose the ‘effeminate’
quality with which ‘beauty’ was associated
in the eighteenth century, as well as the
capacity to be loved. Pickersgill was probably
informed by Edmund Burke’s influential essay
on the Sublime and the Beautiful of 1757.
[9]
In Burke’s conceptual model, the effects
of the Sublime and the Beautiful are opposed
and not reconcilable (Burke, II,
1, 2; III, 13). Interestingly
Arnaud’s confessor later tells him that
‘[t]here is oftentimes a sublimity in deformity’
(Three Brothers, IV,
372), and that deformity can therefore be
associated with greatness.
Thus, as
Arnaud ceases to look sweet and effeminate,
he is no longer treated as a brilliant and
exceptional child, and his parents start
to favour his younger brother Lewis over
him (IV, 251f.).
[10]
He becomes embittered and jealous, and his
wit is transformed into sarcasm. His extreme
feeling of insufficiency makes him project
his hate onto his younger brother, who resembles
his own former self, as Arnaud himself recognises.
When the family is eventually transferred
to Italy because of the Marquis’s involvement
in the wars, Arnaud attempts to kill his
brother out of envy (IV,
257).
When he is
older, he develops an intense self-hatred
but nevertheless retains the arrogance and
feeling of superiority from his childhood,
as well as his high ambitions (IV,
261–74). He is further humiliated when he
learns of his illeg-itimacy and of his legitimate
younger half-brother Henri, who is heir
to the Marquis (IV,
286–90). In the circles in which Arnaud
has grown up, illegitimacy is at least as
great a social ‘disability’ as actual physical
deformity, so in a sense, he is now doubly
deformed. [11]
Arnaud and his mother are sent into exile
to a small village where he is insulted
and avoided by the superstitious peasants.
His banishment from aristocratic society
and domesticity to the obscurity of a remote
village, a wild, ‘unformed’ place, corresponds
with Arnaud’s bodily change from beauty
to sublimity. [12]
Following
the death of his wife, the Marquis returns
to Arnaud’s mother, but when Arnaud forces
him to propose marriage to her, his father
has him arrested as an impostor (IV,
318–23). Arnaud manages to escape and finds
shelter in the house of a young woman he
has fallen in love with, only to find out
that she is his father’s mistress (IV,
327–33). In horror and desperation, he flees
into the woods where (in contrast to Byron’s
Arnold) he deliberately seeks the aid of
the Devil to obtain a new body (IV,
344–48). Pickersgill’s Satan shows him the
images of several heroes from classical
Greek history; Arnaud opts for the form
of Demetrius Poliorcetes (IV,
347). [13]
Like the diabolical Stranger in Byron’s
fragment, the Devil does not make any conditions
(iv, 364), probably convinced that Arnaud’s
own disposition will lead him into damnation.
However, it is implied that he forfeits
his soul (and indeed, his life) through
the transformation: in order to assume the
new body, he has to kill himself (IV,
359), and thus commits the deadly sin of
suicide. Thus, the transformation implies
Arnaud’s death, and his future career, is
that of a ghost in a body not his own. He
adopts the name of Julian (IV,
348); through marriage, he manages to obtain
a noble title (I,
112–31; IV, 355),
turns a bandit captain (II,
196–200; IV, 359),
and takes revenge on his family. [14]
Yet despite his beauty and power, he is
incapable of love and happiness (IV,
355), and suffers from the knowledge of
his guilt (IV, 362).
[15]
After he is persecuted for his deeds, he
seeks a second transformation, for which
the Devil demands a human sacrifice (IV,
364f.). Arnaud comes close to killing his
enemy Claudio, but hesitates when he recognises
him as his lost brother Lewis (IV,
198–200, 204). He even saves Lewis
from his persecutor Henri, whom he gives
a deadly fatal wound, but is himself wounded
(IV, 219f.). He is
handed over to the secular authorities,
and sentenced to death (IV,
386). However, before the execution, he
is freed from his false body, which in a
haunting scene is executed as a mobile,
but empty and soulless form (IV,
394–97).
Although
the novel can be aptly called uneven in
quality, its particular strength lies in
the description of its protagonist and the
way he is employed for Pickersgill’s criticism
of aristocratic rule and lifestyle. [16]
His reviewer in The Gentleman’s Magazine
was fascinated by the character of Julian,
and the reviewer of The Deformed Transformed
in the New European Magazine calls
Pickersgill’s main character ‘a bold-faced,
interesting villain; one that […]
is at once mysterious, as well as ardent’.
[17]
Julian may well have been a direct influence
on the Byronic Hero, whom he prefigures
in several aspects:
Hastily turning round, they beheld
a Cavalier of a thrice noble and stately
mien: his figure grand and august seemed
fashioned in the vast capacity of an Herculean
mould; and as they surveyed his supple limbs
of peerless symmetry, they secretly acknowledged
’twas wrong to fancy humanity could not
reach perfection. He looked attentively
to the Chevalier, slightly inclining a head
nature wisely might make her boast. His
full dark eyes humbled the gaze of beholders,
and his proud lip, thickened with disdain,
projected conscious superiority to men,
and self independence of aught earthly.
His high forehead was crowned with hair
black as jet, which in waving curls wantoned
about his temples, and crescent eyebrows
of a fellow hue, strikingly contrasted with
the polished whiteness of an unblemished
skin. His attire was becomingly simple,
for a king’s parade could not have added
grace to what was altogether majesty […]
They might have judged him even as young
as themselves, but the significance of his
eye-beam, the expressiveness of his motion,
proved him far ripened beyond the greenness
of immaturity; and with superstitious fancy
they even doubted if that aspect could ever
have known the vacant smile of babyhood.
The heedlessness of his bow Henri in another
would have treated resentfully, but before
him his spirits sunk for an interval awestruck
[…] (I, 49–51)
It has long
been recognised that the Gothic villain
was one of the many influences on the Byronic
Hero, with whom he shares his mysterious,
guilty past, giving him tormenting memories,
a dark, arrogant look, and a sense of superiority.
Indeed, the descriptions of Radcliffe’s
villains resemble those of Byron as much
as the description of Arnaud does. [18]
However, the complex character of Arnaud,
particularly those elements that Byron used
for his conception of The Deformed Transformed,
not only resembles several of Byron’s protagonists,
there are also specific parallels in the
summary of their characterisation:
his was a stupendous soul in a
diminutive body. He was so Proud of Himself,
that disdain was his usual feeling towards
others […] He esteemed himself born
to confer, not to receive favours. In him
pride was downcast and solitary: because
it could not look up to superiority, it
restrained him aloof from other men: it
was truly satanic, and would have lost him
divinity in the idea, That better it be
to reign in hell, than to serve in heaven.
Yet it was a pride not dis-natured to magnanimity,
being generous and courageous. But as with
a detestation of what is knavish and abject,
it joined a contempt for that which is meek
and humble, it was entirely unchristian;
though, nevertheless, it was grand. (IV,
261–64)
Arnaud’s pride is a typical character-trait
of Gothic villains, but it is also shared
by several of Byron’s heroes, most prominently
Manfred and the protagonists of the Oriental
tales, where its anti-Christian aspect is
equally stressed. It puts them at odds with
the social order and makes them vulnerable
to satanic temptations because they are
not able to accept an ordinary position
in life. [19]
In him were of all the germs that
is heroically good [sic], all that
is heroically wicked, but none of what is
ignoble or knavish. No virtue but of which
he bore some vestige; no vice of which he
had not some taint; but passion was his
bane; passion mingled with virtues and vices
beyond the discrimination of an ordinary
analysis. (IV,
274)
Arnaud’s
change from extraordinary beauty to deformity
and ugliness (and later vice versa) equally
emphasises that, no matter what he looks
like, he is an exceptional character, his
appearance always extraordinary and larger
than life. According to Burke, the opposite
of beauty is not deformity, but ‘the common
form’. As Burke puts it, ‘the beautiful
strikes as much by its novelty as the deformed
itself’ (III, 6).
Even after his injury, Arnaud shows an extremity
that is an expression of his superiority.
The description of Arnaud’s portrait as
an adolescent, before his career as Julian,
strongly resembles Byron’s presentation
of the contradictory, but grand character
of the protagonist, particularly in Lara:
In him inexplicably mix’d appeared
Much to be loved and hated, sought and feared;
[…]
There was in him a vital scorn of all:
As if the worst had fall’n which would befall,
He stood a stranger in this breathing world,
An erring spirit from another hurl’d; […]
Too high for common selfishness, he could
At times resign his own for others’ good,
But not in pity, not because he ought,
But in some strange perversity of thought,
That swayed him onward with a secret pride
To do what few or none would do beside;
And this same impulse would in tempting
time
Mislead his spirit equally to crime;
So much he soared beyond, or sunk beneath
The men with whom he felt condemned to breathe,
And longed for good or ill to separate
Himself from all who shared his mortal state
[…]
(Lara, ll. 289–348)
In fact, Byron’s own protagonist Arnold
in The Deformed Transformed seems
to be much less ‘Byronic’ than Pickersgill’s
Arnaud. In contrast to aristocratic Arnaud,
Arnold is born deformed and of obscure origin.
His mother addresses him with words like
‘hedgehog’ (I. 1.
20) or ‘incubus’ (I.
1. 2), which put him on a sub-human level.
From Arnold’s
point of view, the tragedy of his situation
is not so much his deformity itself, but
the fact that he is convinced he is unable
to be loved. Arnold sees his status as an
outcast as a direct result of his multiple
disabilities. When he sees his mirror-image
in a spring, he ‘starts back’ (stage direction
after I. 1. 46) and
admits that ‘They are right’ (I.
1. 46) to despise him. He does not question
a society which excludes him from any community
with other people because he accepts the
notion of being ‘Other’ and therefore necessarily
excluded. In connection to Burke’s concept
of the Beautiful and the Sublime, it is
interesting to see that Arnold, in his own
body, is convinced he could be admired and
feared, but not loved. Thus, people would
react to him as to a sublime presence, and
the qualities that make a person lovable
are outside him. [20]
II
The Three Brothers
inspired Byron’s complex use of allusions
from classical history and mythology which
are such an important element in The
Deformed Transformed. When Arnaud in
The Three Brothers calls for the
Devil to give him another body, the Devil
gives him the choice of the shapes of several
heroes from classical antiquity:
The satanic gaze turned on the
side of the cavern heat so powerful, that the
clay in the interstices was absumed to an ash,
and the flinty rock vitrified into glass pervious
to the sight of Arnaud, who saw thereon visions
admirable and amazing. There past in liveliest
portraiture the various men distinguished for
that beauty and grace, which Arnaud so much desired,
that he was ambitious to purchase them with his
soul. He felt that it was his part to chuse whom
he would resemble, yet he remained unresolved,
though the spectator of an hundred shades of renown,
among which glided by Achilles and Alexander,
Alcebiades and Hephestian: at length appeared
the supernatural effigy of a man, whose perfections
human artist never could depict or insculp—Demetrius
the son of Antigonus. Arnaud’s heart heaved quick
with preference […] (IV,
347f.)
The choice of the Greek heroes
at Arnaud’s disposal is significant—although they
otherwise differ in their image and career, all
of them were famous for their extraordinary beauty
(see, for instance, Plutarch, Demetrius,
II; Alexander, IV;
Alcibiades, I). Pickersgill’s
immediate source for this list was probably Plutarch’s
Lives, [21]
whose biographies of famous Greeks and Romans were
very popular in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth
centuries. [22]
Arnaud’s
eventual choice of the body of ‘Demetrius the son
of Antigonus’ is also an evident allusion. In Plutarch’s
biography of Demetrius, the Macedonian king and
conqueror (336–283 BC), who
spent his last years as a prisoner, is described
as ‘flawed’, somebody to be viewed as a negative
example rather than a positive one (Demetrius,
I). Like Pickersgill’s Arnaud/Julian,
he is a ‘mixed’ character whose nature ‘exhibit[s]
great vices also, as well as great virtues’ (Demetrius,
I). This is echoed in Pickersgill’s
characterisation of Arnaud as one both ‘heroically
great’ and ‘heroically wicked’ (IV,
274). In addition, Demetrius’ epithet poliorcetes
(‘besieger of cities’; Demetrius, XLII)
suggests a destructive quality, which is also a
characteristic of Arnaud in his later career as
a bandit. The name Julian, which he adopts after
his transformation, is also an example of Pickersgill’s
use of classical allusions, for it suggests Julian
the Apostate (AD 331–363,
Emperor AD 361–363), the
Roman Emperor in late Antiquity who renounced the
Christian faith (Apostata means ‘the renegade’),
and attempted to restore the traditional polytheistic
Romano–Greek religion. [23]
Byron
takes up Pickersgill’s use of classical characters,
but he develops it into a complex set of intertextual
allusions. In The Deformed Transformed, the
Stranger gives Arnold a choice similar to Arnaud’s:
he conjures up the shades of Julius Caesar, Alcibiades,
Socrates, Mark Anthony, Demetrius Poliorcetes, and
Achilles. But while Pickersgill simply gives the
reader a list of the bodies his protagonist is to
choose from, the Stranger elaborates on the various
characters he shows Arnold, who himself comments
on their looks. The Stranger introduces them, in
most cases not calling them by their names, but
describing their character and destiny so that they
are easily recognisable for a classically educated
reader. [24]
Thus, he says of Caesar that ‘Rome became / His,
and all their’s who heired his very name’ (I.
1. 189f.), and Anthony is described as ‘the man
who lost / The ancient world for love’ (I.
1. 236f.). For most characters, except for Socrates
(whose description is probably taken from Plato’s
Symposium) [25]
and Achilles, Byron’s main source was evidently
Plutarch, from whom he took several details such
as Anthony’s likeness both to Hercules and Bacchus
(Antonius, IV, LX).
The
choice of shapes shown to Arnold differs from the
one given in The Three Brothers in a significant
way. Not only does Byron add Roman characters to
Pickersgill’s Greek ones, but, although the Stranger
invokes the shapes as ‘shadows of beauty’ and ‘shadows
of ‘power’ (I. 1. 157f.),
not all of them are marked by extraordinary bodily
perfection, and in fact most are actually flawed.
Caesar’s baldness (I. 1.
190) and Socrates’ ugliness (I.
1. 217–20) are commented on in the play. Alcibiades
spoke with a lisp (Plutarch, Alcibiades,
i), and, according to legend, Achilles had, of course,
his eponymous weak heel, his only vulnerable part,
which became the cause of his death. Antonius and
Demetrius did not have a bodily ailment, but are
both said to have been addicted to alcohol (Plutarch,
Antonius, IV; Demetrius,
I). [26]
The Stranger uses the shapes to show Arnold that
‘greatness’ does not depend on bodily perfection,
that freedom and achievement are a matter of strength
and independence of mind. Arnold himself is aware
that the outward appearance does not necessarily
correspond to the inner values. In his famous monologue
on deformity, Arnold himself recognises the masculine,
‘overtaking’ effect a deformed body may have. In
his view, a bodily disadvantage may even be a spur
for major achievements (I. 1.
317f.):
I ask not
For Valour, since Deformity is daring.
It is its essence to overtake mankind
By heart and soul, and make itself the
equal—
Aye, the superior to the rest. There
is
A spur in its halt movements, to become
All that the others cannot, in such
things
As still are free to both, to compensate
For stepdame Nature’s avarice at first.
They woo with fearless deeds the smiles
of fortune,
And oft, like Timour the lame Tartar,
win them.
(I.
1. 312–22)
Apart
from the psychological effect a deformity
might have as a spur, his remark suggests
that, in contrast to beauty, deformity has
an awe-inspiring effect on the viewer. Bodily
‘otherness’ must not necessarily mean weakness,
but can be associated with strength, masculinity
(in contrast to ‘feminine’ beauty), and heroism.
[27]
This connection is already suggested in the
description of Arnaud in The Three Brothers,
which is probably why Byron as a teenager
was attracted to the story. [28]
In 1805, as a pupil in Harrow, he made a list
of famous men, marking all those who had a
disability. [29]
Byron was evidently fascinated by the combination
of bodily deformity, beauty, and fame. Attractive
yet flawed bodies like those of Alcibiades
or Achilles seem to suggest that beauty and
sublimity do not necessarily exclude each
other, but can appear in one individual. Consequently,
considering the gendered connotations these
qualities both have to feminine and masculine
traits, the contrast between each adds to
their quality of being larger than life. As
the Stranger comments, ‘The greatest / Deformity
should only barter with / The extremest beauty,
if the proverb’s true / Of mortals, that extremes
meet’ (I. 1. 284–87).
The fragment’s concept of heroism is thus
a combination of the sublime and the beautiful,
of masculinity and effeminacy, transcending
gender boundaries, and a product of hybridity.
However, in the Stranger’s ‘shadows’, the
contrast between their opposed qualities makes
these attributes even more prominent. Byron
contests the Burkean notion that the blending
of beautiful and sublime qualities in one
object or individual weakens the power of
both (see Burke, III,
13 and 27). While many of Byron’s characters
transcend gendered categories, in the experimental,
over-the-top fragment the idea of the ‘hybrid’
hero is taken to grotesque extremes, when
the Stranger describes Arnold’s deformities
as misplaced animal features:
Were I to taunt a
buffalo with this
Cloven foot of thine, or the swift dromedary
With thy sublime of humps, the animals
Would revel in the compliment. […]
Thy form is natural: ’twas only
Nature’s mistaken largess to bestow
The gifts which are of others upon man.
(I.
1. 103–112)
The Stranger rejects the
concept of the superiority of Man over Animal,
and of the beautiful over the deformed body,
claiming instead that ‘unto spirit / All clay
is of equal merit’ (I.
1. 456f). Despite its obvious absurdity, the
statement, rejects the derogatory concept
of ‘deformity’ as ‘unnatural’ and reflects
Byron’s fascination for the idiosyncratic
body and his defiance of the notion of purity.
[30]
The
Stranger’s comments about the characters he
conjures up subvert a tradition which glorifies
war as an heroic enterprise and conquerors
as heroes and role models. His emphasis is
instead on their destructive quality. Thus,
in his incantation he summons ‘the shape of
each Victor / From Macedon’s boy / To each
high Roman’s picture, / Who breathed to
destroy’ (I. 1.
177–80; my italics). He stresses that military
glory is only achieved through destruction:
when Arnold wonders that the disappearing
shadow of Julius Caesar, ‘the man who shook
the earth’, ‘is gone / And left no footstep’
(I. 1. 203f.), the
Stranger also describes Caesar as a destroyer:
‘His substance / Left graves enough, and woes
enough, and fame / More than enough to track
his memory’ (I. 1.
204–06). In this, the play rejects an idealised
image of classical heroism and warfare. In
the context of the play’s preoccupation with
war and violence, it is also significant that
all characters shown to Arnold had a violent
death of unnatural causes, except for Demetrius
who, however, died a prisoner in a foreign
country (Plutarch, Demetrius, LII,
LIII). Pickersgill’s
Alexander and Hephaistion, who, although young,
both died of natural causes are notably absent
in The Deformed Transformed (see Plutarch,
Alexander, LXXII,
LXXVI). Thus, the choice
illustrates the point the play makes about
the violence inherent in Western culture,
and also gives a hint that the Stranger’s
offer will ultimately bring Arnold to a violent
end.
In
The Three Brothers, Joshua Pickersgill
presents a society of cruelty and violence
on different levels. The book opens with the
description of a village emptied of its young
men because of a current military expedition
(I, 4–6). The story
is filled with military campaigns that give
the reader the impression that this is a world
permanently and senselessly at war. It is
a similar world of chaos and violence that
Byron’s Arnold enters after his transformation.
As his main wish is to experience life in
its fullness, he tells Caesar that he wants
to go ‘Where the world / Is thickest, that
I may behold it in / Its workings’ (I.
1. 493–95). Caesar’s answer shows that Byron
adapts Pickersgill’s dark concept of human
culture:
That’s to say, where
there is War
And Woman in activity. Let’s see!
Spain—Italy—the new Atlantic world—
Afric with all its Moors. In very truth,
There is small choice: the whole race are
just now
Tugging as usual at each other’s hearts.
(I. 1. 495–500)
Thus, when Arnold chooses
to go to Rome, it is not surprising he finds
it at a moment when it is under siege. At
this point, relatively late, the story which
started out in a remote forest moves into
a concrete historical situation: the Sacco
di Roma, the conquest and plundering of
Rome, which took place on 5 May 1527. [31]
Even though Demetrius, ‘Taker of cities’ (I.
1. 259), would have been an equally appropriate
choice in the context of the Sacco di Roma,
Byron’s hero opts instead for Achilles.
So fixed is Arnold on physical beauty as the
only means to happiness that he can only be
content with the ideal, superhuman beauty
of a mythological rather than historical character.
Unlike
Pickersgill’s hero, Arnold claims not to have
any grand, overreaching aspirations or a lust
for power. Although he knows that even in
his own body he could ‘be feared, admired,
respected, loved’ (I.
1. 359), he is convinced he could not be loved
by ‘those next to me, of whom I / Would be
beloved’. [32]
As he says, he wishes primarily to be loved
by those close to him (I. 1. 358–61),
to be part of the community and belong with
and be accepted by the others. However, his
later choice to assume the form of the mythological
war hero Achilles (which Byron’s character
opts for instead of the body of Demetrius),
suggests that he also desires superiority
and greatness. [33]
His true desire is to be free from the limits
of his existence; in this aspiration, Arnold
resembles other Byronic overreachers such
as Manfred, Cain or Lucifer, from whom he
otherwise seems to be different in his wish
for private, domestic happiness. Appropriately,
like Byron’s Manfred (II.
2. 150–62) and Cain (I.
1. 301–18) and unlike Pickersgill’s character,
who deliberately calls for Satan, he refuses
a Faustian pact with a supernatural being.
He agrees to the Stranger’s unconditional
offer of a bodily exchange only when he is
assured that he ‘shall have no bond / But
[his] own will’ (I.
1. 150f.). Thus, he does not realise that
with a change of body he essentially gives
up his individuality and agency.
Despite
his bodily transformation, Pickersgill’s Arnaud
is not able to free himself from his past
and the memories of his rejection, or even
from his original body. It does not decompose
(IV, 195f.), and when
he later seeks a second change of shape, the
Devil tells him that he cannot seal a new
pact, as the blood in his veins is not his
own (IV, 365), so that
his new shape is ultimately an illusion. In
Arnold’s case, the impossibility of escaping
the material reality of the body is even more
poignant. As he finds out, he cannot leave
his old body behind. [34]
The Stranger, assuming the name of Caesar,
assumes Arnold’s rejected original form and
follows him ‘as his shadow’, thereby showing
that his process of transformation and self-reinvention
cannot be complete and leads to a split identity.
Stranger: In
a few moments
I
will be as you were, and you shall see
Yourself
forever by you, as your shadow.
Arnold:
I
would be spared this.
Stranger: But
it cannot be.
(I. 1.
446–49)
After his metamorphosis,
Arnold exists as a fragmented being, alienated
from his past. [35]
There are hints that he no longer remembers
his former life, having forgotten ‘all things
in the new joy / Of this immortal change’
(I. 1. 445f.). Thus,
despite of his refusal of a conventional pact,
he has lost his individual identity and implicitly
his ‘soul’ at the very moment of his transformation.
Unlike
Pickersgill’s protagonist, who changes his
name to Julian, Byron’s character decides
to stay ‘plain Arnold still’ (I.
1. 543), convinced that he can essentially
remain the same person. However, he has to
discover that he cannot completely maintain
his original self. Quite early on in his career
as ‘a conqueror [and] chosen knight’ (I.
2. 4) Arnold longs to be ‘in peace—at peace’
(I. 2. 21); he has
no desire to be a war-hero, but as a new Achilles,
he is trapped in that role. The Achilles reference
is also of particular importance, in that
it underlines the fragility of the life of
the hero-figure. The presence of an immortal
stresses the vulnerability of human life,
and Caesar expressively reminds Arnold of
his mortality:
Caesar:
[…] though
I gave the form of Thetis’ son,
I dipt thee not in Styx; and ’gainst a foe
I
would not warrant thy chivalric heart
More
than Pelides’ heel; why then, be cautious,
And
know thyself a mortal still.
(II.
2. 19–23)
There is a certain irony
in this passage, for Achilles’ famous invulnerability
which he has in various versions of the legend
(although not in the Iliad) is always
invariably connected with his equally famous
heel, his one weakness that causes his early
death. One of his key characteristics in the
Iliad, as well as in later versions
of the story, is that he is ‘short-lived’,
doomed to a violent death at an early age
(for example, I, 352;
I, 416; XVIII,
95). The Iliad repeatedly emphasises
both Achilles’ many gifts which make him superior
to others and the awareness of his near death,
thereby illustrating the destructive force
of war and the sadness of the loss of young
life. According to legend, Achilles had to
choose between a short and glorious life and
a long one spent in obscurity (Iliad,
IX, 412–16). Both in
the Iliad and the Odyssey the
Achilles-figure is employed to question the
heroic ideal and the view that glory is worthy
and desirable reward for an early death. His
imminent end is repeatedly mentioned, but
the epic closes before his death, which is
narrated in the Odyssey, where the
shadow of dead Achilles would ‘rather slave
on earth for another man— / Some dirt poor
tenant farmer who scrapes to keep alive— /
Than rule down here over all the breathless
dead’, thereby implicitly correcting the choice
he made in life. [36]
In addition, the Iliad questions the
glorification of war in another way: Achilles,
as its main character and greatest warrior,
is not an entirely positive character. The
best fighter and the most beautiful and gifted
of all Greeks, he can also be a cruel and
brutal killer, an over-emotional and vindictive
character who does not always act according
to the epic’s concept of honour. [37]
In The Deformed Transformed, the Achilles
connection is thus a hint at Arnold’s probable
early and violent death, and also supports
the play’s subversive comment on the heroic
ideal and the illustration of its brutality.
[38]
Byron’s
reviewer in The New European Magazine
noticed that Caesar’s role as cynical commentator
also recalls Thersites, a minor character
in the Iliad, and a more prominent
figure in Shakespeare’s Troilus and Cressida.
[39]
The lame and deformed Thersites, in the Iliad
‘the ugliest man who came beneath Ilion’ (II,
216) questions the sense of the campaign,
and after several lost battles suggests that
the Greeks give up the siege (II,
25–242). His protest is effectively suppressed
by Odysseus, who beats him down (II,
265–69), but although Homer has the crowd
cheer and agree with Odysseus (II,
270–77), his arguments are not contradicted,
and (at least for the modern reader) they
leave an uneasy feeling. In Troilus and
Cressida, Thersites’ role is of greater
importance. [40]
Like The Deformed Transformed, Shakespeare’s
play presents a very unheroic, brutal war:
its Achilles is a very negative character
who kills the Trojan prince Hector not in
a fight, but while he is taking off his armor
(V. 8. 1–22). Thersites
mocks and ridicules the Greek warlords very
much as Byron’s Caesar mocks Bourbon (e.g.
II. 1; II.
3; III. 3; V.
1). At one point, he makes his exit calling
the Greek commanders ‘the faction of fools’
(II. 1. 118). Like
The Deformed Transformed, Troilus
and Cressida is concerned with a criticism
and subversion of the heroic ideal and a presentation
of the dirt and violence of war.
As
one of the main heroes fighting on the Greek
side, Achilles is invariably connected with
the Trojan War. In transporting Arnold to
a Rome under siege, Caesar therefore to a
certain degree makes him re-enact the role
of the original Achilles in a rewriting of
the Iliad. Arnold has to discover that
he cannot completely maintain his original
personality and self in a new body. Quite
early on in his career, he longs to be ‘in
peace—at peace’ (I.
2. 21); he has no desire to be a war-hero,
but apparently, in the body of Achilles, he
cannot escape from this role. In this context,
it is also significant that the city under
siege is Rome. According to Roman legend (told,
most famously, in Virgil’s Aeneid),
Rome was founded by the descendants of Aeneas,
the only survivor among the great Trojan heroes.
[41]
The Romans saw their city as a second Troy,
which makes Arnold’s position as Achilles
even more poignant.
While
Arnold as an Achilles-figure is the enemy
of Rome as a second Troy, Caesar’s name links
him to the city. Not only has he chosen the
name of the famous dictator, and the title
of Roman emperors. Julius Caesar’s family,
the Patrician Julii Caesares, claimed direct
descent from the Trojan hero Aeneas via his
son Julus (Aeneid, I,
321–48). Thus, the Stranger’s decision to
call himself Caesar already alludes to a future
enmity between him and Arnold. In this context,
Caesar’s name even gives a subtle hint that
he is in fact the Devil. Aeneas was the son
of the goddess Venus (Aeneid, I,
315): the planet Venus, both ‘morning’ and
‘evening star’, is traditionally also identified
with Lucifer, the ‘bringer of Light’, or ‘Son
of the Morning’, as Arnold addresses him (III.
1. 21). [42]
Arnold’s own suggestion that the Stranger,
when he announces his intent to change his
own shape, might adopt ‘that of Paris’ (I.
1. 367), who killed Achilles, or that of ‘The
Poet’s God’ Apollo (I.
1. 368), the most powerful god to fight on
the Trojan side, also prepares for their future
rivalry. In addition, the allusion to Apollo
as the god of poetry also refers to the Stranger
as an artist, a product and defender of civilisation
in contrast to Achilles as a destructive war
hero, and of course, as a ‘creator’ like the
poet himself. Throughout the drama, the Stranger/Caesar
is linked both to the Devil and the artist.
Thus, his claim to ‘ape’ (I.
1. 367) the actions of the ‘Being who made’
(I. 1. 86) the original
Achilles alludes to the traditional image
of the Devil as ‘God’s ape’, but also to the
artist ‘aping’ the author of the original
Iliad. Implicitly, the play both rejects
and mocks the Romantic idea of the artist
as a godlike original creator and instead
hints at the iconoclastic, or even derivative
nature of all art.
Unlike
Arnaud, who after his transformation finds
himself incapable of affection and love, Arnold
falls in love with the Roman girl Olimpia,
whom he had rescued from a rape attempt. Despite
his deed, as well as status, valour, and physical
beauty, however, Olimpia remains indifferent
to him (III. 1. 46–54).
When he complains about this in the fragment
of Part III, Caesar
implies that once Arnold has chosen to reject
his own body, he has also lost the capacity
to be loved for himself:
Caesar:
[…] you
would be loved—what you call loved—
Self-loved—loved for yourself—for
neither health
Nor wealth—nor youth—nor power—nor rank
nor beauty–
For these you may be stript of—but beloved
As an Abstraction—for—you know not what—[…]
(III.
1. 61–65)
Though his greatest wish
had been to be loved, he has to find out that,
in a body other than his own, it is impossible
to inspire true affection. Instead of liberating
him, his transformation has lead to alienation
and loss of self. In the ‘sublime’ shape of
Achilles, much like in his original body,
he can find admiration, but not the affection
he claims to desire. Byron may also be alluding
to Burke’s remark that ‘Achilles, in spite
of the many qualities of beauty which Homer
has bestowed on his outward form, and the
many great virtues with which he has adorned
his mind, can never make us love him’ (IV,
24), as he is too far removed from ordinary
human beings. Thus his beauty and qualities
make him sublime and ‘Other’ in the same way
as a disabled character (such as Pickersgill’s
Arnaud), whereas a loveable character is familiar
and small. [43]
Burke also argues that the reader is meant
to sympathise with the domestic Trojans rather
than the Greeks:
With regard to the Trojans,
the passion he chooses to raise is pity; pity
is a passion founded on love; and these lesser,
and if I may say domestic virtues, are certainly
the most amiable. […] Admiration is the passion
which Homer would excite in favour of the Greeks,
and he has done it by bestowing on them the
virtues which have little to do with love. (IV,
24)
It
has been argued that Byron meant to have Arnold
turn against Caesar after he had won the love of
Olimpia. Caesar’s mention of Lucifer and Venus (the
goddess of love) when describing Olimpia might be
a hint at this outcome, and the allusions to the
Iliad and the Trojan War would support it.
The leitmotif of the Iliad, the ‘anger
of Peleus’ son Achilleus’ ( Iliad, I,
1; the epic opens with these words), is initiated
by his quarrel with Agamemnon, about his ‘prize
of honour’, the captive woman Briseis ( Iliad,
I, 106–344). [ 44]
Byron left an interesting memorandum he wrote on
the fragment of the unfinished third part, according
to which Arnold was to become jealous of Caesar
as ‘of himself under his former figure, owing to
the Power of Intellect’. [ 45]
Together with his note ‘Olimpia at first
not liking Caesar’ (my italics), this makes it probable
that he planned to let Caesar win the love of Olimpia
despite his deformity because of his wit and charisma.
Their doppelgänger relationship would have
developed into an enmity which could well have ended
with a murder, which at the same time would have
been a suicide. [ 46]
By provoking Arnold’s jealousy, Caesar would probably
have shown him that self-fulfilment and love are
not dependent on strength and beauty. 
The
character of Olimpia herself is also linked
to other women from classical mythology. Her
readiness to kill herself instead of being
raped associates her with the Roman heroine
Lucretia, who killed herself after having
been raped by Sextus Tarquinius, son of king
Tarquinius Superbus (Livius, Ab Urbe Condita,
I, 58). In ancient
Rome, she was seen as the epitome of female
heroism and virtue; according to legend, her
fate gave the impulse for the expulsion of
the Tarquin kings, and the foundation of the
Roman Republic (Livius, Ab Urbe Condita,
I, 59–60). [47]
Caesar explicitly compares Arnold’s love for
her with Achilles’ love for Penthesilea (II.
3. 144–46), queen of the Amazons, who—according
to one tradition (although she does not appear
in the Iliad)—is first killed by Achilles
and then raped by him. [48]
When the Stranger first describes Achilles,
he mentions his betrothal to the Trojan princess
Polyxena, how ‘With sanctioned and with softened
love’ he stood ‘before / The altar, gazing
on his Trojan bride’ (I.
1. 274f.). Like his mention of Penthesilea,
however, the invocation of Achilles’ love
for Polyxena points to a tragic, violent ending,
for, according to some versions of the legend,
Polyxena was sacrificed to the shadow of dead
Achilles after the Greeks had conquered Troy.
Olimpia’s attempt to kill herself at the altar
in St Peter’s may also be an allusion to Polyxena.
[49]
All these women resemble Olimpia in that they
are traditionally represented as being very
courageous, but all of them share a tragic
fate and are either abducted, raped, or killed.
Thus these allusions hint at a tragic outcome
of the love story between Olimpia and Arnold,
which may have to do with his rivalry with
Caesar. At the same time, they also point
at a major consequence of war and pillage:
violence towards women.
In
Byron’s representation of a chaotic world,
the choice of Rome and of the particular event
of the Sacco di Roma is highly significant.
The political centre of the ancient world
and medieval capital of Western Christianity,
Rome is in more than one sense the centre
of the Western World and European culture.
Interestingly, in Caesar’s view the city as
a place is re-gendered and changes gender
as it develops from political to spiritual
capital: it ‘hath been Earth’s lord / Under
its Emperors, and—changing sex, / Not sceptre,
an hermaphrodite of empire— / Lady
of the Old World’ (I.
2. 8–10).
In
the early sixteenth century, when the story
takes place, Rome had long lost its political
power and its spiritual leadership of Christianity
was threatened and questioned by the Protestant
Reformation (which features in The Deformed
Transformed in the person of the Lutheran
soldiers who call the Pope the ‘Anti-Christ’;
II. 3. 5), so that
the city in The Deformed Transformed
symbolises both power and its fragility. Several
times, the play emphasises that Rome itself
had been the aggressor, an expansive empire
similar to the Holy Roman Empire by which
it is now attacked. Although, as Arnold points
out, the present Romans cannot be held responsible
for the deeds of their ancestors, the Holy
Roman Empire, once itself conquered and subdued
by Rome, now sees itself as Rome’s heir. Both
are located in a world and a culture in which
violence breeds violence. In this context,
the intertextual reference to the Trojan War
is equally important: the ancient Romans saw
themselves as the descendants of the Trojans.
The allusion to Troy supports the notion that
a victim will in time become an aggressor.
It shows present conflicts as rooted in a
distant, mythological past. In addition, in
the Iliad’s version, the story of the
Trojan War was the oldest literary text in
Western culture known in Byron’s time. Although
legendary, in ancient Greece and Rome it was
largely seen as historical. By alluding to
the first great war in European cultural memory
in a play which subverts the heroic ideal,
Byron implicitly criticises and challenges
a literary and historiographic tradition which
glorifies and idealises classical heroism
and which celebrates the wars of the past
and the present.
* * * * *
In its unfinished state,
The Deformed Transformed is a genuinely
sceptical work. Clearly, in the play love
and freedom are not achieved by the rejection
of one’s own physical reality and individuality,
but Byron does not argue either that ‘mental
beauty’ has precedence over or transcends
the physical state (which might have been
the case if Olimpia had indeed fallen in love
with Caesar in Arnold’s body). In fact, in
a finished version the play might have easily
lost some of its complexity. As it is, the
fragment explores the relationship between
body and soul without giving any definitive
answers. Keeping Caesar’s identity ambiguous,
it also maintains an interesting tension between
the presentation of a chaotic, amoral universe
and a world conforming to Christian theology.
It is therefore an interesting and tempting
thought that the fragmentary state of The
Deformed Transformed may have been deliberate.
Although in a short preface he wrote that
‘the rest may appear, perhaps, hereafter’,
[50]
he wrote to his publisher John Hunt ‘I doubt
I will go on with it’. [51]
Byron’s decision to publish this ‘odd sort
of drama’ as a fragment suggests that he might
have intended it as an experiment, a dramatic
counterpart to Don Juan, which was
composed at the same time and shares its digressive
structure. Contemporary reviewers already
pointed out the similarities and supposed
that his eventual decision whether to continue
it or not depended on the audience’s reaction
that it elicited. [52]
Byron,
who claimed to ‘deny nothing, but doubt everything’,
had a lifelong suspicion of truths represented
as definitive and orthodox. [53]
The fragmentary state of The Deformed Transformed
gives him the opportunity to use a Devil-figure
and make a point about human cruelty in a
chaotic world, without assuming any clear-cut
theological position. His scepticism and awareness
of the impossibility of any absolute truths
is also connected to an awareness of the fragmentary
character of every state and statement. From
the beginning of his literary career, he experimented
with fragmentary writing,and he commented
in one of his journals that his own ‘mind
[was] a fragment’. [54]
The play also reflects the situation of the
protagonist. It recalls the structure of the
Iliad itself, which concludes before
the imminent death of its main character Achilles.
On a deeper level, Arnold himself is a fragmented
being, who, through the transformation and
the bond with the Stranger, gives up his body
and his real self. Henceforth, he is divided
in parts, his body severed from his soul and
mind, and all of them disconnected from his
past, so that he exists only in the present,
split from his history.
As
the Stranger and Byron’s play argue, love
and a fulfilling existence are not achieved
through a narcissistic pursuit of perfection
and a rejection of the imperfect. Rather,
a reinvention of the self should acknowledge
and integrate individual idiosyncrasies. As
I have argued in this paper, The Three
Brothers is relevant for Byron’s use of
intertextual classical allusions in The
Deformed Transformed, for his concept
of heroism and the genesis of the Byronic
Hero, as well as for his defiance of the Burkean
concept of an opposition between the Sublime
and the Beautiful. It is this combination
of contrasts, this fluidity and paradox that
constitute the fascination of the Byronic
Hero and the Byronic idea of a complex, fulfilling
life. In its present state, The Deformed
Transformed is a highly sophisticated
work, with a complex use of intertextuality.
The classical allusions function on different
levels, to characterise Arnold and Caesar
and their relationship, to put in question
the possibility of individual freedom and
the nature of heroism, and to subvert the
‘classical’ Western heroic ideal and heroic
historiography. The Deformed Transformed
deserves to be recognised as one of Byron’s
important investigations of the human condition.

NOTES
1. All
of Byron’s works quoted in this paper
are taken from Lord Byron: The Complete Poetical Works,
7 vols, edd. Jerome J. McGann, et al. (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1980–91), hereafter referred to as BCPW. Joshua Pickersgill,
Jr, The Three Brothers. A Romance, 4 vols (London:
John Stockdale, 1803); subsequent references are from this
edn, and will be given in the text.
2. Charles
E. Robinson’s source study ‘The Devil as Doppelgänger in
The Deformed Transformed: The Sources and Meaning
of Byron’s Unfinished Drama’, Bulletin of the New York
Public Library 74 (1970), 177–202, emphasises the pride
of Pickersgill’s protagonist and quotes from the novel’s
transformation scene (p. 180f.), but does not further explore
Pickersgill’s impact on Byron’s fragment drama. Anne Barton’s
essay ‘Don Juan Transformed’, Byron: Augustan
and Romantic, ed. Andrew Rutherford (London: Macmillan
Press, 1990), pp. 199–220, acknowledges Pickersgill’s influence
on Byron in a footnote (p. 219), however without discussing
it. The commentary on the play in BCPW, VI,
gives a brief summary of Arnaud’s confessional narrative
(p. 728f.), emphasising the transformation scene, but
does not mention Arnaud’s relation to the Byronic Hero.
3. Gentleman’s
Magazine 74 (1804), 1047 (hereafter referred to as GM).
4. A
collection of verse tales entitled Tales of the Harem,
by someone called ‘Pickersgill’ was published more than
twenty years later by Longmans in 1826, but there is no
indication that it is by the same person.
5. Review
in New European Magazine 4 (March 1824), 255–60 (p.
256); quoted in The Romantics Reviewed. Contemporary
Reviews of British Romantic Writers. Part B: Byron and Regency
Society Poets, 5 vols, ed. Donald H. Reiman (London
and New York: Garland Publishing, 1972), V,
1879–84, hereafter referred to as RR. In 1826, a
biographer of Byron also suspected, probably mistakenly,
that Pickersgill was ‘the late M. G. Lewis’. The reason
for their identification was probably that Lewis adapted
the main motif of The Three Brothers for his play
One o’Clock, or the Knight and the Wood Daemon, and
acknowledges his debt to Pickersgill in the preface—Matthew
Gregory Lewis, One o’Clock, or The Knight and the Wood
Daemon. A Grand Musical Romance in Three Acts (London:
Lowndes and Hobbes, 1811), p. 1.
6. Elissa
Lynn Stuchlik, ‘The Origins of the Historical Romance’ (unpublished
doctoral thesis, University of Rochester, NY,
1994; rptd Michigan: UMI Ann Arbor, 1994), p. 63. Throughout
the novel, Pickersgill occasionally mentions historical
events such as Charles the Fifth’s invasion of the south
of France (IV, 308); at one point,
he specifies the date as 1541 (III,
332).
7. See
Mary Waldron, ‘Historico–Gothic’, in The Handbook to
Gothic Literature, ed. Marie Mulvey-Roberts (Basingstoke
and London: Macmillan, 1998), p. 274; Devendra P. Varma,
The Gothic Flame (1957; New York: Russell & Russell,
1966), pp. 74–84; Stuchlik, pp. 28–107.
8. According
to the standards of the time, that would make him effeminate,
for ‘beauty’ was gendered as female. For the connection
between beauty and femininity and sublimity and masculinity,
see e.g. the third part Immanuel Kant’s essay on the Sublime
and the Beautiful (1764): Beobachtungen über das Gefühl
des Schönen und Erhabenen (Frankfurt am Main: Anton
Hain, 1993), pp. 37–57. See also Chloe Chard, ‘Effeminacy,
Pleasure and the Classical Body’, in Femininity and Masculinity
in Eighteenth-Century Art and Culture, edd. Gill Perry
and Michael Rossington (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 1994), pp. 142–61; Robert Miles, Gothic Writing
1750–1820. A Genealogy (London and New York: Routledge,
1993), p. 71f.
9. Edmund
Burke, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Sublime and the
Beautiful (1757). References are to Part (roman) and
Section (arabic).
10. Arnaud’s
progress from initial beauty in childhood to later deformity
mirrors the fate of the girl Eugenia in Fanny Burney’s contemporaneous
novel Camilla (1796). See Fanny Burney, Camilla,
or a Picture of Youth, edd. Edward A. Bloom and Lilian
D. Bloom (1972; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983),
pp. 11 and 28f.
11.
As is the case
in many Gothic novels, part of the plot in The Three
Brothers is a threat to the aristocratic principle of
primogeniture—see Miles, p. 27. In criticising this practice,
which puts all sons but the eldest legitimate one at a disadvantage,
Pickersgill is in the tradition of Thomas Paine’s influential
essay on the Rights of Man (1794). See also Chris
Baldick, In Frankenstein’s Shadow. Myth, Monstrosity
and Nineteenth-Century Writing (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1987), pp. 19–21.
12.
Burke, II,
7, 8.
13. Demetrius
Poliorcetes (336–283 BC)
was king of Macedonia (294–287 BC)
and a famous conqueror and warrior. His life is narrated
in Plutarch’s Lives. In his parallel biographies,
the Greek historian Plutarch (c. AD
50–120) compares famous Greeks and Romans. All references
to Plutarch are taken from Plutarch’s Lives, edd.
E. H. Warmington, et al., trans. Bernadotte Perrin, in The
Loeb Classical Library, 11 vols (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, and London: William Heinemann,
1914–26), hereafter referred to under the name of the respective
biographical subject.
14. He
tells his father the truth about himself (I,
149), and uses his power and influence to terrorise him
and make him live in constant fear (II,
200–03). He keeps his half-brother Henri prisoner, and then
leads him into moral corruption (see esp. III,
1–106), giving him his own wife as a lover (III,
104) and persuading him to join his banditti (III,
105f.).
15. For
the characteristic unhappiness of the Gothic villain see
also Ingeborg Weber, ‘ “Gothic Villain” und “Byronic
Hero” ’, in English Romanticism. The Paderborn Symposium,
edd. Rolf Breuer, Werner Huber, and Rainer Schöwerling (Essen:
Die Blaue Eule, 1985), pp. 153–79 (pp. 154–56);
Peter L. Thorslev, The Byronic Hero. Types and Prototypes
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1962),
pp. 57–61.
16. Pickersgill’s
reviewer in GM complained about the stylistic weaknesses
in an otherwise fascinating story—GM 74 (1804), 1047.
17. Ibid.;
New European Magazine 4 (Mar 1824), 257 (RR,
V, 1881).
18.
For instance,
compare the description of Schedoni in Ann Radcliffe, The
Italian, or the Confessional of the Black Penitents. A Romance,
ed. Frederick Garber (1797; Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1998), p. 34f., or that of Montoni in Ann Radcliffe, The
Mysteries of Udolpho. A Romance, ed. Bonamy Dobrée (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 122.
19. See
Paul A. Cantor, ‘Mary Shelley and the Taming of the Byronic
Hero: “Transformation” and The Deformed Transformed’,
in The Other Mary Shelley. Beyond Frankenstein, edd.
Audrey A. Fisch, Anne K. Mellor, and Esther H. Schor (New
York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 89–106
(p. 93). Cantor suggests that the fear of a conventional
existence is one of the main traits of the Byronic Hero,
and the origin of most of the conflicts he is involved in.
20.
See Burke, II,
1, 2; III, 13. In his own essay on
the Sublime and the Beautiful, Kant also stated that the
Sublime would inspire admiration, whereas the Beautiful
would inspire love (Kant, p. 14).
21. The
statement that it was impossible to ‘depict or insculp’
the beautiful Demetrius is taken directly from Plutarch
(Demetrius, II).
22. In
Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein (1818), Plutarch’s Lives
are among the books from which the creature gets his essential
education about Western civilisation. They were one of the
most popular sources of classical history. Of the characters
mentioned only Achilles and Hephestian (probably Hephaistion,
the closest friend and lover of Alexander the Great) are
not portrayed in Plutarch, but the latter is mentioned frequently
in his Life of Alexander (e.g. XXVIII,
XXIX, XLII,
LXXII), whereas Achilles is of course
famously described as the most beautiful Greek in Homer’s
Iliad. See Homer, Iliad, trans. Richmond Lattimore
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951, repr. 1961),
e.g. II, 673f., XXI,
108.
23.
For Julian’s
life and career see Glen W. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate
(Cambridge, ma: Harvard University Press, 1997). Pickersgill’s
reviewer in GM talks of Julian’s ‘apostate career’,
no doubt in allusion to the historical Julian—GM 74
(1804), 1047. After his transformation, Julian is referred
to as ‘the Apostate’ (iv, 351) and he talks of his own ‘apostacy’
(IV, 364).
24.
The only exception
is ‘Demetrius the Macedonian’ (I.
1. 258). The names are added only in the stage directions
when the respective shapes Arnold has rejected disappear,
so that readers have the opportunity to look whether their
own guess had been correct.
25.
See Plato,
The Symposium, trans. Walter Hamilton (Harmondsworth:
Penguin, 1999), 215a–215d.
26.
Thus, Arnold
remarks at the sight of the first shape, Julius Caesar,
that ‘the Phantom’s bald; my quest is beauty’ (I.
1. 190), wishing he could ‘Inherit but his fame with his
defects’ (I. 1. 191). The Stranger,
however, emphasises that he could but ‘promise [Arnold]
his form; his fame / Must be long sought and fought for’
(I. 1. 194f.), thereby implying that
form and character do not necessarily correspond. Later,
he mocks Arnold’s ‘quest for beauty’ by proposing the form
of the ‘low, swarthy, short-nosed, round-eyed’ (I.
1. 217) Socrates as ‘the earth’s perfection of all mental
beauty’ (I. 1. 221).
27.
Christine Kenyon-Jones
argues that Byron here comments and reclaims Francis Bacon’s
critical account of the supposed effects of physical disability
in his essay ‘Of Deformity’ (1612)—see her Kindred Brutes.
Animals in Romantic Period Writing (Aldershot, Burlington,
Singapore, Sydney: Ashgate, 2001), p. 195f (n. 59) and ‘Deformity
Transformed: Byron and his Biographers on the Subject of
his Lameness’ (Paper given to the Byron and Disability panel
at the MLA conference, Chicago, Dec 1999), p. 5f.
28.
See e.g. the
description of the teenage Arnaud: ‘Disdainful haughtiness
and ferocious cruelty had seat upon the brow, which, by
its lowering frowns, pursed the flesh above into wrinkles
misbecoming youthfulness: manly care was distinguishable
on boyish features; for the jaundness of melancholy and
unsettled mood had supplanted freshness from the cheeks,
[…] Still was visible a gleam of nature, though faint,
which warranted that hers was not the blame of his early
baseness: in her vindication was hung about clear proof
of the mighty faculty she had gifted him wherewith; and
so he was marked as the more wilfully guilty in a vicious
subjugation, as heaven, in it bounty, had bestowed on him
sense to distinguish good from evil.’ (II,
68–72)
29.
See Lord
Byron: The Complete Miscellaneous Prose, ed. Andrew
Nicholson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), p. 197f.
30.
In addition,
for Byron’s use of animal features in The Deformed Transformed
see Kenyon-Jones, Kindred Brutes, p. 197; Kenyon-Jones,
“Deformity Transformed”, p. 14f.
31.
It was the
culmination of what was to be known as the War of the League
of Cognac against the Holy Roman Empire. In May 1527, Rome
was under siege from the imperial troops under the command
of Charles, duc de Bourbon (1490–1527). On 5 May 1527, his
army of Spanish, German, and Italian mercenary soldiers
entered Rome (Bourbon himself died in the attack) and sacked
and plundered the city for several months. The occupation
only ended in December, because the army was then dispersed
by the plague. See James H. McGregor’s introduction to Luigi
Guicciardini, The Sack of Rome (New York: Italica
Press, 1993), pp. xv–xxxix.
32.
Like Pickersgill,
Byron uses Burke’s notion that the Sublime can inspire fear
and admiration, whereas the Beautiful inspires love, which
Arnold in his ‘sublime’ deformed body cannot have (see Burke,
II, 1, 2; III,
13).
33.
When the Stranger
suggests that Arnold should style himself ‘Count Arnold’
(I. 1. 544), which will ‘look well
upon a billet-doux’ (I. 1. 545),
Arnold’s reply ‘Or in an order for a battle-field’ (I.
1. 546) shows his wish for military heroism.
34.
‘What shall
become of your abandoned garment, / Yon hump, and lump,
and clod of ugliness, / Which late you wore, or were?’ (I.
1. 421–24), the Stranger asks him. The word-play in the
last question already hints at the fact that the bond between
body and spirit cannot be as easily dissolved as Arnold
had thought.
35.
Comparing Arnold’s
limbs to those of animals, the Stranger describes his deformity
as a fragmentation of the human body, so Arnold used to
be a fragmented being even before his transformation. His
doppelgänger relationship with the Stranger shows
the impossibility of escaping fragmentation by a reinvention
of the self.
36.
Homer, Odyssey,
trans. Robert Fagles (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1997), XI,
556–58.
37.
After having
killed Hector, the killer of his close friend Patroclos,
he ties his corpse to his chariot and drags it, instead
of returning him and allowing the Trojans time for decent
burial (Iliad, XXII, 395–404).
38.
In the siege
of Ismael in Don Juan (Canto VIII),
the protagonist also becomes a sort of Achilles-figure,
and there are allusions to the Trojan War which equally
function to question the heroic ideal.
39.
New European
Magazine 4 (Mar 1824), 257. The reviewer describes Caesar
as ‘a mere prating jester, the Thersites of the camp as
well as of the Council’, alluding to the Iliad in
which a man is measured by his excellence in battle and
council (e.g. II, 201f.), and Odysseus
taunts the mocking Thersites, who is unimportant in both,
saying there is ‘no worse man’ than him (II,
249).
40.
Quotations from William Shakespeare, Troilus
and Cressida, ed. D. Bevington (Walton-on-Thames: The
Arden Shakespeare, 1998).
41.
See Livius,
Ab Urbe Condita Liber, I,
1–7; Virgil, Aeneid (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1934, rptd 1998), I,
313–41.
42.
Caesar himself
makes the connection: when Arnold waits for the unconscious
Olimpia to open her eyes, he tells him they will look ‘Like
stars, no doubt; for that’s a metaphor/ For Lucifer and
Venus’ (II. 3. 189f; my italics).
In Cain, Lucifer also identifies with the star ‘welcoming
the morn’ (I. 1. 496) and asks Cain’s
wife Adah why she does not ‘adore’ it (I.
1. 498).
43.
Burke, III,
13; IV, 24. In The Deformed Transformed,
the Stranger persuades Arnold to accept a body smaller than
Achilles’ original one, for, ‘by being / A little less removed
from present men / In figure, thou canst sway them more’
(I. 1. 301–03).
44.
The Trojan
War itself was of course also caused by the quarrel over
a woman, the Spartan queen Helen, who had been abducted
by the Trojan prince Paris.
45.
Memorandum
for the draft of Part III; quoted
from BCPW, VI, 574.
46.
Apparently
Byron was already preparing for a rivalry between Arnold
and Caesar over the love of Olimpia:
Caesar:
[…] The beautiful half-clay, and nearly spirit!
I am almost enamoured of her,
as
Of old the Angels of her earliest sex.
Arnold: Thou!
Caesar: I. But fear not. I’ll not be your
rival.
Arnold: Rival!
Caesar: I could be one right formidable;
[…]
(II. 2. 174–80)
47.
See Ian Donaldson,
The Rapes of Lucretia. A Myth and its Transformations
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), passim. For the
representation of Lucretia as a hero during the late eighteenth
century, see Duncan Macmillan, ‘Woman as Hero: Gavin Hamilton’s
Radical Alternative’, in Femininity and Masculinity,
pp. 78–98.
48.
See Katherine
Callen King, Achilles. Paradigms of the War Hero from
Homer to the Middle Ages (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London:
University of California Press, 1987), pp. 124–33.
49.
According to
Ovid’s account in the Metamorphoses, Achilles’ spirit
demanded the sacrifice, and Polyxena went to it willingly.
See Ovid, Metamorphoses, trans. David R. Slavitt
(Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1994), XIII,
441–500. See also Callen King, pp. 188–94.
50.
BCPW,
VI, 517.
51. Letter
to John Hunt on 21 May 1823; see Byron’s Letters and
Journals, 12 vols, ed. Leslie A. Marchand (London: John
Murray, 1973–82), X, 182.
52. A
negative review in the Scots Magazine commented that
‘we are informed by Lord Byron, that, should the public
show any anxiety for their appearance, a few more Cantos
are forthcoming’ (my italics), and suspected from the present
reception that they would ‘be postponed to the Greek Kalends’
(Edinburgh Scots Magazine (Mar 1824), p. 356 (RR,
V, 2221). The review in the Literary
Chronicle, one of the few favourable ones, ended with
the remark that ‘we shall be glad to follow the hero and
his companion through a few more adventures, which we doubt
not will soon be supplied; for the drama, like Don Juan,
need not be confined to any length’—Literary Chronicle
(28 Feb 1824), 131 (RR, III,
1354).
53.
Letter to Francis
Hodgson, 4 Dec 1811, Byron’s Letters and Journals,
II, 136.
54.
Journal entry,
17 Nov 1813, Byron’s Letters and Journals, III,
237.
COPYRIGHT
INFORMATION
This article is copyright © 2004 Centre
for Editorial and Intertextual Research, and is the result
of the independent labour of the scholar or scholars credited
with authorship. The material contained in this document
may be freely distributed, as long as the origin of information
used has been properly credited in the appropriate manner
(e.g. through bibliographic citation, etc.).
REFERRING
TO THIS ARTICLE
I. HEUER. ‘ “Shadows of Beauty, Shadows
of Power”: Heroism, Deformity, and Classical Allusion
in Joshua Pickersgill’s The Three Brothers and
Byron’s The Deformed Transformed’, Cardiff Corvey:
Reading the Romantic Text 12 (Summer 2004). Online:
Internet (date accessed): <http://www.cf.ac.uk/encap/corvey/articles/cc12_n01.html>.
CONTRIBUTOR
DETAILS
Imke Heuer studied English and History
at the Universities of Hamburg, Perugia, and York. The
present article derives from research originally done
for her MA thesis in Romantic Literature at the University
of York, where she is currently working on a PhD on ‘English
Theatre, German History and the Politics of Adaptation’.
Her research interests include English interest in German
theatre and culture in the Romantic Epoch; Romantic drama
(particularly Byron); the representation of history in
Romantic writing; the reception of classical history and
mythology in English Literature.

Last modified
24 March, 2005
.
This document is maintained by Anthony Mandal (Mandal@cf.ac.uk).
|